"Partisan Interest Above The Public Interest"

So, it's now official. Douglas Alexander has contrived to make a mess of 1) an election which did take place and 2) an election which didn't take place. Is there no beginning to this man's talents?

And as Secretary of State for International Development, he's also now the figurehead for this initiative. Heaven help us all.

New Brooms

Leaving aside the current tango between the SNP and Lib Dems over whether a Holyrood coalition will be possible, I thought it might be interesting to take a look at the outcome of the local government elections:

SNP – 363 councillors (29.7% of the total)
Labour – 348 councillors (28.48%)
Lib Dems – 166 councillors (13.6%)
Conservatives – 143 councillors (11.7%)
Others – 194 councillors. (15.9%)

Much of Labour's power base in Scotland came from the local authorities, and the subtle and occasionally not-so-subtle control which this allowed them to exert. Thanks to PR, Labour has now lost 161 (almost a third) of their councillors, sweeping away their one party client states in all but the most unreconstructed parts of West Central Scotland. Even there, they will now face scrutiny from a new cadre of SNP, Conservative and Lib Dem representatives, who will doubtless be keen to subject their local administrations to unprecedented levels of accountability.

Scottish politics was changed utterly and forever last Thursday - I'm just not sure how many of the politicians yet realise how different things are going to be.

Put Up, Or Shut Up

I posted earlier tonight about one Labour candidate's apparent threat to challenge the outcome of last Thursday's Scottish elections, but took it down again since the only outlet carrying the story at the time was the BBC News 24 Headlines. However, since it's now on the BBC website, I'll go ahead.

Let me say this - if anyone from Labour does decide to challenge any result from the Scottish election, then they'd better have two things:

1. Compelling evidence that the result was flawed.

2. A very good explanation as to why the result was not challenged with the Returning Officer concerned before a declaration was made.

If any would-be challenger lacks these, they should think very carefully before invoking any legal processes. Quite frankly, the last thing Scotland needs now is a prolonged period of Florida-style brinkmanship, simply because someone doesn't like how the vote went and sees a possible party advantage from creating uncertainty and instability.

Any allegation of this nature should not be allowed to hang around and for that reason, Labour should state their intentions immediately. If they neither put up or shut up in the next few hours, I don't think I'll be the only one who suspects darker motives than personal disappointment at work.

TWTCTW

Well, that was the campaign that was. I'm too tired right now to do a detailed retrospective, however, as a quick snapshot, in my opinion the SNP had its best campaign ever; Labour fought the most negative and uninspiring campaign I can remember; Annabell Goldie should win the award for 'most improved' leader for playing a poor hand extremely well and with no little grace and style; while Nicol Stephen will probably get an undeserved reward for fighting what must have been the dullest Lib Dem campaign in history.

Our American intern, Michelle, managed to sum their campaign up rather tartly yesterday afternoon in the car. Hearing Stephen string together one of his stock soundbites about being 'really positive about young people' and how people apparently 'want to hear about the issues that matter to them, not have another debate on the constitution', she exploded with: 'They're smart enough to do both, dumbass!'. Hard to argue, really.

My hopes for tomorrow? Mainly that the final result, whether that's win, lose or draw for the SNP, sees Scotland embark on a more adventurous and positive path. The last eight years have been positively stultifying. Where there is no vision, the people perish. Another four years of the Best Wee First Minister of the Best Wee Country in the World is a torture that no thinking Scot should wish to inflict upon their compatriots. I just hope that with the last polls of the campaign looking tight, all those who want change actually get off their backsides and vote for it in the best way they can.

Anyway, it's nearly 9pm, and I've still got shoes to clean, shirts to iron and an overnight bag to pack. Tomorrow's going to be a long stint, and while I'll try to blog something if I get the chance, I'll make no promises. Enjoy polling day and make your vote count - whatever the result, here's hoping for a better Scotland in the next four years.

Blast From The Past

Looking back through my recent blog posts, I've noticed to my discomfort that while I'm quick to criticise others for fighting a negative election campaign, I've not exactly been adding a huge amount here myself that's particularly positive.

All I can say in my defence is that it's a busy time just now. I've never made any bones about where my allegiances lie politically and there are some things which just shouldn't be allowed to pass unremarked. However, with any similar long-held allegiance comes the danger that you begin to obsess about the 'game', losing sight in the process of what it was that led to you holding these views in the first place.

To try and remedy this, at least in part, here's an article I wrote back in 2004 for 'The Flag In The Wind', the online offshoot of the 'Scots Independent' newspaper, explaining why I joined the SNP. The last paragraph, I think, still remains relevant, even though it does refer to an earlier set of elections. Fortunately, it looks like the SNP might be on course to do a little bit better this time round!

Why I joined the SNP - Flag In The Wind, May 2004

Anybody who joins the SNP does so for one reason above all others – to secure Independence for Scotland. But I think we can all point to different reasons why we decide to support Scottish Independence.

For me, I suppose it was a number of factors which just came together. I was the first in my family to go to University. When I went to study, it was a period just after the industrial turmoil of the Thatcher Years and the Poll Tax. The Iron Curtain had collapsed and all over Europe, historic nations had reunified or were emerging from the stifling power politics of the Cold War era. Amidst this, it was hard for me not to think, if Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia could do it, then why not Scotland?

At the previous election in 1992, Scottish voters had rejected Tory policies overwhelmingly, yet Tory Ian Lang was still returned as Secretary of State off the back of the Conservative victory in England. Not unreasonably, but against my developing beliefs, Labour increasingly saw moving to the right as the best way of beating the Tories in their heartlands. I saw how Labour’s George Robertson tried to play down the significance of the 20,000 who marched in Edinburgh in 1992 in favour of home rule at the European summit in December that year. I was also disgusted at how these dignified and respectable people were smeared by Mr Lang, as he accused them of disgracing themselves in front of the European leaders who had arrived for the summit.

Watching Scottish Questions at Westminster made me realise just how much of an old-boys club it really was. It didn’t really matter which of the 2 UK parties Scotland had voted for, because by and large that would be decided by the votes of our much larger neighbour to the south. It also didn’t matter who the Secretary of State was – with Scottish Ministers coming under scrutiny once every five weeks whenever Westminster happened to be sitting, the Scottish Office could obscure far more than was healthy – certainly more than was healthy for a department spending around £20bn of taxpayers money each year.

It seemed self-evident to me that Scotland was a prosperous country – yet all around there was ample evidence that not everybody shared in this. We were told by Conservatives and Labour that Scotland prospered under the Union – yet they argued simultaneously that somehow we were too poor, too small or too stupid to manage for ourselves. What was worse was the sheer number of fellow Scots who without a moment’s consideration were happy to accept this as gospel and parrot it endlessly to their fellow countrymen. In contrast, I found the belief of those who mounted the vigil for a Scottish Parliament on Calton Hill vigil inspiring and would often take detours in the car on my way home from work so I could ‘toot’ for Scotland and show my support.

For me, all of this made for a potent combination. It gave me a cast-iron belief that the best people to govern Scotland were those who had chosen to make their lives here. But what really hit home was that whatever we tried to achieve in Scotland for our people counted for nothing, unless we first had the power to do something about it. John Major and Malcolm Rifkind could talk all they liked about Scotland punching above her weight in the world as part of the UK. It counted for nothing if we weren’t even in the ring in the first place.

Recent figures show that Scotland is the 8th richest country in the industrialised world, yet it is a country where 1 in 3 Scottish children are growing up in poverty. A country where 600,000 adults have difficulty reading. A country where hundreds still sleep rough every night. A country where we still have fuel poverty amidst energy plenty. A country where has one of the lowest life expectancies in the western world. To my mind, the economic, social and moral imperative for Independence has never been greater.

Nearly 15 years on from the political revolutions in Eastern Europe which woke my interest in politics, many of those countries have just joined the European Union as member states in their own right. After all this time, I still find it hard to reconcile the way the Labour party rolls out the red carpet for these nations, nearly all smaller than Scotland, yet still tries to slam the door in the face of demands for Scotland to enjoy the same status.

Yes, we have a parliament now. But it’s only a job half done. Our politicians and civil servants are now much more accountable. But when it counts, as it does over the common fisheries policy, the war in Iraq or running the Scottish economy in our interests, we’re still the invisible nation.

On June 10th, we have another chance to start to change this when we vote in the European elections. These elections, of course, will include the new entrants to the European Union. A vote for the SNP can help to ensure we join those dining at the top table. A vote for any other party will continue to leave Scotland a bit like Banquo’s ghost – the phantom at the feast.

You Spin Me Right Round Baby Right Round

Another day, another 'turning point' in the Scottish election campaign according to Labour's strategists.

So far, I've counted at least four such 'turning points' being hailed in this way. Now, unless they are happening in increments of significantly less than 180 degrees, what does this birling around say about the state of Labour's campaign?

End Of Term

Today sees the end of the second term of the Scottish Parliament. With the Executive going into 'Purdah', Labour will no longer have access to the Scottish civil service, or have a legion of Executive press officers to highlight their triumphs and bury their mistakes. Instead, they'll have to rely on their own people and a campaign machine which seems increasingly creaky and rudderless.

There's a funny atmosphere about Holyrood today. Jack McConnell is turning in a shouty, beleaguered performance at FMQs, assailed from all sides over broken election promises, health, crime, council tax, nuclear power and the performance of devolution. His rants about the SNP seem even more heated and lacking in humour than usual. All told, his demeanor is not one of a man brimming with confidence about being returned to his position in May.

The next parliament seems set to be very different indeed. 12 MSPs are standing down of their own volition, but a wee glance at the polls suggests that there could be more than a few new faces about the place come May. Both The Times (yesterday) and the Daily Mail (today) have carried polls putting the SNP ahead of Labour, both in terms of support and likely seats in parliament. The solitary thread of comfort which Labour spokespeople have clung to for dear life has been the apparent fall in support for Independence, down from 50% plus earlier in the year to just 27%.

Proof that the Labour campaign is working at a certain level, perhaps? Well no, actually. The difference is in not just the question asked, but the number of questions asked. You see, when the question of 'Independence - yes or no?' is put, there's a roughly 50/50 split. However, throw the rather nebulous option of 'more powers' into the mix and unsurprisingly, the numbers change. In fact, we find that in addition to the 27% who want 'independence, nothing less', some 52% would like more powers, perhaps as a further step towards sovereignty.

Game, set and match for the union then, and vindication for the Lib Dem stance that there should be no referendum on independence? Again, no. No-one takes the trouble to set out what these 'more powers' might be - would they include full fiscal autonomy, for example? The right for Scottish Ministers to represent us in Europe? Control over broadcasting regulation? The simple fact of the matter is that no-one knows. You'd get as worthwhile an answer by replacing the question with one asking whether you are in favour of fluffy kittens and nice sunny days.

The Lib Dems justify their anti-referendum stance by citing such polling data and by highlighting their support for federalism. In this way, they argue that there can be a 'middle way' on the constitution, whereby Scotland gets more powers and can stay happily in the union. That would be an honourable position, if it weren’t for the fact that they've supported federalism for over a century, yet still don't have a viable plan on how to bring it about.

All they have in their locker is to call for powers which Westminster would have to cede, over which the Lib Dems would have no leverage. And let's be brutally honest here - the only leverage for getting the powers worth having will be a strong SNP vote in May. Westminster might cede more powers to Holyrood, but only if Independence looks like it will be on the cards and even then, as with devolution V1.0, only as little will be ceded as they think they can get away with in order to dissipate the SNP 'threat'.

This is where it gets interesting. With any referendum likely to come towards the end of a 4-year term, there will be ample opportunity for Westminster to make its play. However, the SNP has already set out a little shopping list of powers it would like for Holyrood, such as control over North Sea Revenues and that right to lead negotiations, such as over fishing, in Europe.

If it can be shown through the rejection of some fairly modest requests that further reform of the British State is either impossible or won't come until many years into the future, won’t that make voters more inclined than ever to demand a referendum on independence? And where would that leave the Lib Dems, other than on the wrong side of the argument?

Support for independence down? It all depends on the question you ask, as well as the number of questions you ask. Alex Salmond could be unwrapping the mint Viscounts at Lancaster House yet.